Monthly Archives: May 2013

Tempus Fugit

Porretto: LifeDeath

Bob Owens via Twitter: “There is no plainer way to say this: A govt that uses the power of the state against the people is a tyranny, and a threat to liberty.”

Hofmann: Vicious dogs and tyrannical governments – Guns are needed for both

California/LA Times: “…Californians who want to buy ammunition would have to submit personal information and a $50 fee for a background check by the state, under a bill passed by the Senate. The state Department of Justice would determine whether buyers have a criminal record, severe mental illness or a restraining order that would disqualify them from owning guns. Ammo shops would check the name on buyers’ driver’s licenses against a state list of qualified purchasers…”

Max V: Tactical Training Weekend AARs

Do it.

Schedule info here.

Tempus fugit.


Got nothing.

Back soon.

Repost: The Revolution Was

First published in 1938 and noted here initially in 2008The Revolution Was is Garet Garrett‘s masterful deconstruction of the Roosevelt/New Deal myth, arguing that in fact FDR and his minions staged a coup d’etat by permanently eviscerating the limitations on Federal government found in the Constitution.

We commend it again today to all of the good little boys and girls caressing themselves furiously over fantasies of mid-term victories, judicial saviors, state legislative messiahs, miraculous conversions, and the righteousness of non-violent resistance.

Garrett begins:

There are those who still think they are holding the pass against a revolution that may be coming up the road. 

But they are gazing in the wrong direction. 

The revolution is behind them. It went by in the Night of Depression, singing songs to freedom.

There are those who have never ceased to say very earnestly, “Something is going to happen to the American form of government if we don’t watch out.” These were the innocent disarmers. Their trust was in words. 

They had forgotten their Aristotle. More than 2,000 years ago he wrote of what can happen within the form, when “one thing takes the place of another, so that the ancient laws will remain, while the power will be in the hands of those who have brought about revolution in the state.”

Worse outwitted were those who kept trying to make sense of the New Deal from the point of view of all that was implicit in the American scheme, charging it therefore with contradiction, fallacy, economic ignorance, and general incompetence to govern.

But it could not be so embarrassed, and all that line was wasted, because, in the first place, it never intended to make that kind of sense, and secondly, it took off from nothing that was implicit in the American scheme.

It took off from a revolutionary base. The design was European. Regarded from the point of view of revolutionary technique, it made perfect sense. Its meaning was revolutionary and it had no other. For what it meant to do, it was from the beginning consistent in principle, resourceful, intelligent, masterly in workmanship, and it made not one mistake.

The test came in the first one hundred days.

No matter how carefully a revolution may have been planned, there is bound to be a crucial time. That comes when the actual seizure of power is taking place. In this case certain steps were necessary. They were difficult and daring steps. But more than that, they had to be taken in a certain sequence, with forethought and precision of timing. One out of place might have been fatal. What happened was that one followed another in exactly the right order, not one out of time or out of place.

Having passed this crisis, the New Deal went on from one problem to another, taking them in the proper order, according to revolutionary technique; and if the handling of one was inconsistent with the handling of another, even to the point of nullity, that was blunder in reverse. The effect was to keep people excited about one thing at a time, and divided, while steadily through all the uproar of outrage and confusion a certain end, held constantly in view, was pursued by main intention.

The end held constantly in view was power.

In a revolutionary situation, mistakes and failures are not what they seem. They are scaffolding. Error is not repealed. It is compounded by a longer law, by more decrees and regulations, by further extensions of the administrative hand. As deLawd said in The Green Pastures, that when you have passed a miracle you have to pass another one to take care of it, so it was with the New Deal. Every miracle it passed, whether it went right or wrong, had one result. Executive power over the social and economic life of the nation was increased. Draw a curve to represent the rise of executive power and look there for the mistakes. You will not find them. The curve is consistent.

At the end of the first year, in his annual message to the Congress, January 4, 1934, President Roosevelt said, “It is to the eternal credit of the American people that this tremendous readjustment of our national life is being accomplished peacefully.”

Peacefully if possible — of course.

But the revolutionary historian will go much further. Writing at some distance in time he will be much less impressed by the fact that it was peacefully accomplished than by the marvelous technique of bringing it to pass not only within the form but within the word, so that people were all the while fixed in the delusion that they were talking about the same things because they were using the same words. Opposite and violently hostile ideas were represented by the same word signs. This was the American people’s first experience with dialectic according to Marx and Lenin.

Until it was too late, few understood one like Julius C. Smith, of the American Bar Association, saying,

Is there any labor leader, any businessman, any lawyer or any other citizen of America so blind that he cannot see that this country is drifting at an accelerated pace into administrative absolutism similar to that which prevailed in the governments of antiquity, the governments of the Middle Ages, and in the great totalitarian governments of today? Make no mistake about it. Even as Mussolini and Hitler rose to absolute power under the forms of law … so may administrative absolutism be fastened upon this country within the Constitution and within the forms of law.

For a significant illustration of what has happened to words — of the double meaning that inhabits them — put in contrast what the New Deal means when it speaks of preserving the American system of free private enterprise and what American business means when it speaks of defending it. To the New Deal these words — the American system of free private enterprise — stand for a conquered province. To the businessman the same words stand for a world that is in danger and may have to be defended.

The New Deal is right.

Business is wrong.

You do not defend a world that is already lost. When was it lost? That you cannot say precisely. It is a point for the revolutionary historian to ponder. We know only that it was surrendered peacefully, without a struggle, almost unawares. There was no day, no hour, no celebration of the event — and yet definitely, the ultimate power of initiative did pass from the hands of private enterprise to government.

“In a revolutionary situation, mistakes and failures are not what they seem. They are scaffolding.”

There it is and there it will remain until, if ever, it shall be reconquered. Certainly government will never surrender it without a struggle.

To the revolutionary mind the American vista must have been almost as incredible as Genghis Khan’s first view of China — so rich, so soft, so unaware.

No politically adult people could ever have been so little conscious of revolution. There was here no revolutionary tradition, as in Europe, but in place of it the strongest tradition of subject government that had ever been evolved — that is, government subject to the will of the people, not its people but the people. Why should anyone fear government?

In the naive American mind the word “revolution” had never grown up. The meaning of it had not changed since horse-and-buggy days, when Oliver Wendell Holmes said, “Revolutions are not made by men in spectacles.” It called up scenes from Carlyle and Victor Hugo, or it meant killing the Czar with a bomb, as he may have deserved for oppressing his people. Definitely, it meant the overthrow of government by force; and nothing like that could happen here. We had passed a law against it.

Well, certainly nothing like that was going to happen here. That it probably could not happen, and that everybody was so sure it couldn’t made everything easier for what did happen.

Revolution in the modern case is no longer an uncouth business. The ancient demagogic art, like every other art, has, as we say, advanced. It has become in fact a science — the science of political dynamics. And your scientific revolutionary in spectacles regards force in a cold, impartial manner. It may or may not be necessary. If not, so much the better; to employ it wantonly, or for the love of it, when it is not necessary, is vulgar, unintelligent, and wasteful. Destruction is not the aim. The more you destroy the less there is to take over. Always the single end in view is a transfer of power.

Outside of the Communist Party and its aurora of radical intellectuals, few Americans seemed to know that revolution had become a department of knowledge, with a philosophy and a doctorate of its own, a language, a great body of experimental data, schools of method, textbooks, and manuals — and this was revolution regarded not as an act of heroic redress in a particular situation, but revolution as a means to power in the abstract case.

There was a prodigious literature of revolutionary thought concealed only by the respectability of its dress.

Americans generally associated dangerous doctrine with bad printing, rude grammar, and stealthy distribution. Here was revolutionary doctrine in well-printed and well-written books, alongside of best sellers at your bookstore or in competition with detectives on your news-dealer’s counter. As such, it was all probably harmless, or it was about something that could happen in Europe, not here. A little Communism on the newsstand like that might be good for us, in fact, regarded as a twinge of pain in a robust, somewhat reckless social body. One ought to read it, perhaps, just to know. But one had tried, and what dreary stuff it had turned out to be!

To the revolutionary this same dreary stuff was the most exciting reading in the world. It was knowledge that gave him a sense of power. One who mastered the subject to the point of excellence could be fairly sure of a livelihood by teaching and writing, that is, by imparting it to others, and meanwhile dream of passing at a single leap from this mean obscurity to the prestige of one who assists in the manipulation of great happenings; while one who mastered it to the point of genius — that one might dream of becoming himself the next Lenin.

“People were all the while fixed in the delusion that they were talking about the same things because they were using the same words.”

A society so largely founded on material success and the rewards of individualism in a system of free competitive enterprise would be liable to underestimate both the intellectual content of the revolutionary thesis and the quality of the revolutionary mind that was evolving in a disaffected and envious academic world. At any rate, this society did, and from the revolutionary point of view that was one of the peculiar felicities of the American opportunity. The revolutionary mind that did at length evolve was one of really superior intelligence, clothed with academic dignity, always sure of itself, supercilious and at ease in all circumstances. To entertain it became fashionable. You might encounter it anywhere, and nowhere more amusingly than at a banker’s dinner table, discussing the banker’s trade in a manner sometimes very embarrassing to the banker. Which of these brilliant young men in spectacles was of the cult and which was of the cabal — if there was a cabal — one never knew. Indeed, it was possible that they were not sure of it among themselves, a time having come when some were only playing with the thought of extremes while others were in deadly earnest, all making the same sounds. This was the beginning of mask and guise.

The scientific study of revolution included, of course, analysis of opportunity. First and always, the master of revolutionary technique is an opportunist. He must know opportunity when he sees it in the becoming; he must know how to stalk it, how to let it ripen, how to adapt his means to the realities. The basic ingredients of opportunity are few; nearly always it is how they are mixed that matters. But the one indispensable ingredient is economic distress, and, if there is enough of that, the mixture will take care of itself.

The Great Depression as it developed here was such an opportunity as might have been made to order. The economic distress was relative, which is to say that at the worst of it living in this country was better than living almost anywhere else in the world. The pain, nevertheless, was very acute; and much worse than any actual hurt was a nameless fear, a kind of active despair, that assumed the proportions of a national psychosis.

Seizures of that kind were not unknown in American history. Indeed, they were characteristic of the American temperament. But never before had there been one so hard and never before had there been the danger that a revolutionary elite would be waiting to take advantage of it.

This revolutionary elite was nothing you could define as a party. It had no name, no habitat, no rigid line. The only party was the Communist Party, and it was included, but its attack was too obvious and its proletarianism too crude; and moreover, it was under the stigma of not belonging. Nobody could say that about the elite above. It did belong, it was eminently respectable, and it knew the American scene. What it represented was a quantity of bitter intellectual radicalism infiltrated from the top downward as a doctorhood of professors, writers, critics, analysts, advisers, administrators, directors of research, and so on — a prepared revolutionary intelligence in spectacles.

There was no plan to begin with. But there was a shibboleth that united them all: “Capitalism is finished.”

There was one idea in which all differences could be resolved, namely, the idea of a transfer of power. For that, a united front; after that, anything. And the wine of communion was a passion to play upon history with a scientific revolutionary technique.

The prestige of the elite was natural for many reasons, but it rested also upon one practical consideration. When the opportunity came a Gracchus would be needed. The elite could produce one. And that was something the Communist Party could not hope to do.

Now given —

the opportunity,
a country whose fabulous wealth was in the modern forms — dynamic, functional, nonportable,
a people so politically naïve as to have passed a law against any attempt to overthrow their government by force — and,
the intention to bring about what Aristotle called a revolution in the state, within the frame of existing law —
Then from the point of view of scientific revolutionary technique, what would the problems be?

“To the New Deal these words — the American system of free private enterprise — stand for a conquered province. To the businessman the same words stand for a world that is in danger and may have to be defended.”

They set themselves down in sequence as follows:

The first, naturally, would be to capture the seat of government.

The second would be to seize economic power.

The third would be to mobilize by propaganda the forces of hatred.

The fourth would be to reconcile and then attach to the revolution the two great classes whose adherence is indispensable but whose interests are economically antagonistic, namely, the industrial wage earners and the farmers, called in Europe workers and peasants.

The fifth would be what to do with business — whether to liquidate or shackle it.
(These five would have a certain imperative order in time and require immediate decisions because they belong to the program of conquest. That would not be the end. What would then ensue? A program of consolidation. Under that head the problems continue.)

The sixth, in Burckhardt’s devastating phrase, would be “the domestication of individuality” — by any means that would make the individual more dependent upon government.

The seventh would be the systematic reduction of all forms of rival authority.

The eighth would be to sustain popular faith in an unlimited public debt, for if that faith should break the government would be unable to borrow; if it could not borrow it could not spend; and the revolution must be able to borrow and spend the wealth of the rich or else it will be bankrupt.

The ninth would be to make the government itself the great capitalist and enterpriser, so that the ultimate power in initiative would pass from the hands of private enterprise to the all-powerful state.

Each one of these problems would have two sides, one the obverse and one the reverse, like a coin. One side only would represent the revolutionary intention. The other side in each case would represent Recovery — and that was the side the New Deal constantly held up to view. Nearly everything it did was in the name of Recovery. But in no case was it true that for the ends of economic recovery alone one solution or one course and one only was feasible. In each case there was an alternative and therefore a choice to make.

What we shall see is that in every case the choice was one that could not fail:

– to ramify the authority and power of executive government — its power, that is, to rule by decrees and rules and regulations of its own making;
– to strengthen its hold upon the economic life of the nation;
– to extend its power over the individual;
– to degrade the parliamentary principle;
– to impair the great American tradition of an independent, Constitutional judicial power;
– to weaken all other powers — the power of private enterprise, the power of private finance, the power of state and local government;
– to exalt the leader principle.

There was endless controversy as to whether the acts of the New Deal did actually move recovery or retard it, and nothing final could ever come of that bitter debate because it is forever impossible to prove what might have happened in place of what did. But a positive result is obtained if you ask, Where was the New Deal going?

The answer to that question is too obvious to be debated. Every choice it made, whether it was one that moved recovery or not, was a choice unerringly true to the essential design of totalitarian government, never of course called by that name either here or anywhere else.

How it worked, how the decisions were made, and how acts that were inconsistent from one point of view were consistent indeed from the other — that now is the matter to be explored,seriatim

Read the rest, please.

Try to understand that the Marxists and the Fabians have a much longer planning and execution horizon than do most Americans.

Try also to understand that these collectivists have learned much from their failings in the past and in other places.

Do not be a ‘good Jew’ any longer.

The Bad People are depending on you to do so.

Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito.

Memorial Day, Reconsidered

in_memoriam (1)
Russell from DumpDC asks readers to think clearly about What, Who, and Why this Memorial Day.

The hardest thing in my development has been becoming aware of my programming and curing it.

May freedom-loving people of all backgrounds remember how to advance their cause.

By any means necessary.

By any means

Militia Magazine

militia magazine
Coming soon.

Guerrillamerica gives an update.

Fair winds and following seas.

I Built This AK-47. It’s Legal and Totally Untraceable.

AK Build Package
H/t to Insty for this Mother Jones piece.


AmMerc: 5 Principles Of Patrolling

Read, absorb, and do.

You do plan to patrol, ja?

Competence leads to confidence.

Tempus fugit.

You Are Crazy

Consider these implications of the new DSM-5.

Were all p-shrinks as balanced as the resident headshrinker at Maggie’s Farm:

The DSM-5: Don’t Buy It. Don’t Use It. Don’t Teach It.

You don’t think that this radical expansion of diagnosable mental ailments might have anything to do with Obamacare and the legal consequences (like obligatory disarmament) of such a diagnosis, do you?

That would be rather paranoid-delusional of you, now wouldn’t it?

Vocabulary word for the day:



Dry Fire Drills

You are doing them, right?

If not, better start.

See also these drills.

Remember: the Bad People have other people paying for their training ammo.

Tempus fugit.

Guerrilla Gastronomy, Or, “You Gonna Eat That?”

cooking on the run

Go find a fresh road kill.

Cut off about 2 lbs. of what looks good that no one will miss, and grind or chop it up small. While you’re at it, get about 2 cups of the white maggots off that kill.

Don’t muck about: someone sees you, you might get dead.

Send your scroungers out to get an onion and some tomatoes. See if they can come up with some mushrooms that won’t kill you. A little COOKING OIL helps. You got an insider in a FEMA camp? No?

Brown the meat in a pan, and boil up the maggots, onion, oil, some SALT and some PEPPER and maybe some OREGANO in a pot of water, stirring all. When it’s going good, dump in the chopped/sliced mushrooms. When those ingredients are ‘chewy’ to taste, drain the water. After a bit dump in the browned meat and its drippings/fat (?) and then again later, the chopped up tomatoes. Keep it cooking gently for another while.

Should feed six or eight.

Now you finest-kind pukka-sahibs sit back and tell me you wouldn’t eat it IF…….and that you CAN come up with field recipe substitutes that you CAN prepare over a covert fire like on that smokeless twig-fired Rocket Stove in your kit and that of course, your ‘preps’ have SEASONINGS included alongside the ammo??

Go figger? You CAN cook extempoaneously, right?

A fella on his own without an organized group and base set-up better be BOTH and skilled at it. Being good at riflery you can’t do much, hungry. Being a cook, you better be able to defend the camp. Then there’s the medical types, whom I’d advise to be skilled in ALL THREE.

The list can grow. Do NOT ‘specialize’, cuz knowing more and more about less and less will not help you in the coming festivities.

Just sayin’…

May 20/’13.

Holographic Sight Guide

A useful blog maintained by a WRSA reader.

Check it out.

Eye In The Sky

Wired: With New Mini-Satellites, Special Ops Takes Its Manhunts Into Space

Thankfully, such technology could never be used here in America against the President’s domestic opponents.

I have Lee Greenwood’s word of honor on such things.


Don’t Be Ensign Ricky

Screen shot 2013-05-21 at 9.03.20 AM

Audentes fortuna iuvat.

Lithuania 1944-1953: Europe’s bloodiest guerrilla war

Consider this recap of the Lithuanian struggle against Communism.

Many lessons to be learned from what went on behind the Wall in the East from 1945 through 1989, including those listed in these two pieces.

North America’s agony is coming soon.

Let’s win.

Max Velocity: What would you do if your force is unable to obtain fire superiority?

Max discusses a likely scenario.

Stay alive.

Keep your people alive.

Stay in the fight.

Bracken Sends


The One Mitigating Circumstance

Good stuff from Capitalisteric, which begins:

[This is a long post, on something I’ve been kicking around in my head for quite some time… so please bear with me. If nothing else, pull up the chair, pour a glass of wine, and I’ll hopefully give you some useful food for thought.]

“There are no ‘mitigating circumstances’ when it comes to rebellion against a liege lord.” Yoshi Toranaga

“Unless you win.” John Blackthorne

–James Clavell, SHOGUN

It is an interesting thing, to listen to activists on the left and right sides of the political aisle, to denigrate each other, and it is especially entertaining if you identify with either party against “them.“ But the sad reality between the political parties is best summarized in the following:

“There is not a dime’s worth of difference between the Democrat and Republican Parties!”

– Alabama Governor George Wallace, candidate for President, 1968

An objective look at the track-record of the last 45 years (since that observation was made), will demonstrate that both parties aren’t interested in the welfare of the American people, but looking out for the welfare of their own pocketbooks. The country is now run by two battling factions, the globalists and collectivists.

The globalists are interested in money and power. They aim to accomplish the dream of past tyrants like Napoleon, Hitler, Lenin and Stalin: world domination. Their fiat-currency schemes have crippled every economy around the world – save Iceland, ironically – and utterly destroyed the sovereignty of every single nation on the planet. The financial whiz-kids of the American financial system, in cahoots with their British counterparts, have created an economic virus which has infected every corner of the globe. The purpose of this virus is to bring the global economy to its knees at the same time, so that power can be consolidated, and a centralized bank for the entire world unveiled as the savior to all our financial problems. But of course, a global bank will no more save us than the Federal Reserve has saved us, but that should be obvious.

The fly in the ointment of their globalist plans, has been the United States of America, which has been an economic powerhouse, due to manufacturing know-how, ingenuity, strong property rights and an economic system that fosters innovation. As an added bonus, those same unruly Americans are armed to the teeth.

How does one bring down such a large stumbling-block to the well-laid globalist plans?

Read the rest.

Big game.

Big stakes.

Big nerve?

We’ll see….

hourglass last grains

Grigg: The Terror Cartel Strikes In Idaho

3Kubanov Raid
Will Grigg gives another example of the “fluid” nature of America’s eternal war on tactics.

If you don’t think the rules of that game can and will be applied to you at a time and place of the Bad People’s choosing, you haven’t been paying attention.

You domestic terrorist, you.

Moscow rules.

Three From The Mailbag

Disabled Veterans Have Checks Stolen By IRS

Why does GOLD matter? What about SILVER?

“Law Enforcement Warriors…” What’s WRONG With This Picture?