Repost: The Revolution Was

First published in 1938 and noted here initially in 2008The Revolution Was is Garet Garrett‘s masterful deconstruction of the Roosevelt/New Deal myth, arguing that in fact FDR and his minions staged a coup d’etat by permanently eviscerating the limitations on Federal government found in the Constitution.

We commend it again today to all of the good little boys and girls caressing themselves furiously over fantasies of mid-term victories, judicial saviors, state legislative messiahs, miraculous conversions, and the righteousness of non-violent resistance.

Garrett begins:

There are those who still think they are holding the pass against a revolution that may be coming up the road. 

But they are gazing in the wrong direction. 

The revolution is behind them. It went by in the Night of Depression, singing songs to freedom.

There are those who have never ceased to say very earnestly, “Something is going to happen to the American form of government if we don’t watch out.” These were the innocent disarmers. Their trust was in words. 

They had forgotten their Aristotle. More than 2,000 years ago he wrote of what can happen within the form, when “one thing takes the place of another, so that the ancient laws will remain, while the power will be in the hands of those who have brought about revolution in the state.”

Worse outwitted were those who kept trying to make sense of the New Deal from the point of view of all that was implicit in the American scheme, charging it therefore with contradiction, fallacy, economic ignorance, and general incompetence to govern.

But it could not be so embarrassed, and all that line was wasted, because, in the first place, it never intended to make that kind of sense, and secondly, it took off from nothing that was implicit in the American scheme.

It took off from a revolutionary base. The design was European. Regarded from the point of view of revolutionary technique, it made perfect sense. Its meaning was revolutionary and it had no other. For what it meant to do, it was from the beginning consistent in principle, resourceful, intelligent, masterly in workmanship, and it made not one mistake.

The test came in the first one hundred days.

No matter how carefully a revolution may have been planned, there is bound to be a crucial time. That comes when the actual seizure of power is taking place. In this case certain steps were necessary. They were difficult and daring steps. But more than that, they had to be taken in a certain sequence, with forethought and precision of timing. One out of place might have been fatal. What happened was that one followed another in exactly the right order, not one out of time or out of place.

Having passed this crisis, the New Deal went on from one problem to another, taking them in the proper order, according to revolutionary technique; and if the handling of one was inconsistent with the handling of another, even to the point of nullity, that was blunder in reverse. The effect was to keep people excited about one thing at a time, and divided, while steadily through all the uproar of outrage and confusion a certain end, held constantly in view, was pursued by main intention.

The end held constantly in view was power.

In a revolutionary situation, mistakes and failures are not what they seem. They are scaffolding. Error is not repealed. It is compounded by a longer law, by more decrees and regulations, by further extensions of the administrative hand. As deLawd said in The Green Pastures, that when you have passed a miracle you have to pass another one to take care of it, so it was with the New Deal. Every miracle it passed, whether it went right or wrong, had one result. Executive power over the social and economic life of the nation was increased. Draw a curve to represent the rise of executive power and look there for the mistakes. You will not find them. The curve is consistent.

At the end of the first year, in his annual message to the Congress, January 4, 1934, President Roosevelt said, “It is to the eternal credit of the American people that this tremendous readjustment of our national life is being accomplished peacefully.”

Peacefully if possible — of course.

But the revolutionary historian will go much further. Writing at some distance in time he will be much less impressed by the fact that it was peacefully accomplished than by the marvelous technique of bringing it to pass not only within the form but within the word, so that people were all the while fixed in the delusion that they were talking about the same things because they were using the same words. Opposite and violently hostile ideas were represented by the same word signs. This was the American people’s first experience with dialectic according to Marx and Lenin.

Until it was too late, few understood one like Julius C. Smith, of the American Bar Association, saying,

Is there any labor leader, any businessman, any lawyer or any other citizen of America so blind that he cannot see that this country is drifting at an accelerated pace into administrative absolutism similar to that which prevailed in the governments of antiquity, the governments of the Middle Ages, and in the great totalitarian governments of today? Make no mistake about it. Even as Mussolini and Hitler rose to absolute power under the forms of law … so may administrative absolutism be fastened upon this country within the Constitution and within the forms of law.

For a significant illustration of what has happened to words — of the double meaning that inhabits them — put in contrast what the New Deal means when it speaks of preserving the American system of free private enterprise and what American business means when it speaks of defending it. To the New Deal these words — the American system of free private enterprise — stand for a conquered province. To the businessman the same words stand for a world that is in danger and may have to be defended.

The New Deal is right.

Business is wrong.

You do not defend a world that is already lost. When was it lost? That you cannot say precisely. It is a point for the revolutionary historian to ponder. We know only that it was surrendered peacefully, without a struggle, almost unawares. There was no day, no hour, no celebration of the event — and yet definitely, the ultimate power of initiative did pass from the hands of private enterprise to government.

“In a revolutionary situation, mistakes and failures are not what they seem. They are scaffolding.”

There it is and there it will remain until, if ever, it shall be reconquered. Certainly government will never surrender it without a struggle.

To the revolutionary mind the American vista must have been almost as incredible as Genghis Khan’s first view of China — so rich, so soft, so unaware.

No politically adult people could ever have been so little conscious of revolution. There was here no revolutionary tradition, as in Europe, but in place of it the strongest tradition of subject government that had ever been evolved — that is, government subject to the will of the people, not its people but the people. Why should anyone fear government?

In the naive American mind the word “revolution” had never grown up. The meaning of it had not changed since horse-and-buggy days, when Oliver Wendell Holmes said, “Revolutions are not made by men in spectacles.” It called up scenes from Carlyle and Victor Hugo, or it meant killing the Czar with a bomb, as he may have deserved for oppressing his people. Definitely, it meant the overthrow of government by force; and nothing like that could happen here. We had passed a law against it.

Well, certainly nothing like that was going to happen here. That it probably could not happen, and that everybody was so sure it couldn’t made everything easier for what did happen.

Revolution in the modern case is no longer an uncouth business. The ancient demagogic art, like every other art, has, as we say, advanced. It has become in fact a science — the science of political dynamics. And your scientific revolutionary in spectacles regards force in a cold, impartial manner. It may or may not be necessary. If not, so much the better; to employ it wantonly, or for the love of it, when it is not necessary, is vulgar, unintelligent, and wasteful. Destruction is not the aim. The more you destroy the less there is to take over. Always the single end in view is a transfer of power.

Outside of the Communist Party and its aurora of radical intellectuals, few Americans seemed to know that revolution had become a department of knowledge, with a philosophy and a doctorate of its own, a language, a great body of experimental data, schools of method, textbooks, and manuals — and this was revolution regarded not as an act of heroic redress in a particular situation, but revolution as a means to power in the abstract case.

There was a prodigious literature of revolutionary thought concealed only by the respectability of its dress.

Americans generally associated dangerous doctrine with bad printing, rude grammar, and stealthy distribution. Here was revolutionary doctrine in well-printed and well-written books, alongside of best sellers at your bookstore or in competition with detectives on your news-dealer’s counter. As such, it was all probably harmless, or it was about something that could happen in Europe, not here. A little Communism on the newsstand like that might be good for us, in fact, regarded as a twinge of pain in a robust, somewhat reckless social body. One ought to read it, perhaps, just to know. But one had tried, and what dreary stuff it had turned out to be!

To the revolutionary this same dreary stuff was the most exciting reading in the world. It was knowledge that gave him a sense of power. One who mastered the subject to the point of excellence could be fairly sure of a livelihood by teaching and writing, that is, by imparting it to others, and meanwhile dream of passing at a single leap from this mean obscurity to the prestige of one who assists in the manipulation of great happenings; while one who mastered it to the point of genius — that one might dream of becoming himself the next Lenin.

“People were all the while fixed in the delusion that they were talking about the same things because they were using the same words.”

A society so largely founded on material success and the rewards of individualism in a system of free competitive enterprise would be liable to underestimate both the intellectual content of the revolutionary thesis and the quality of the revolutionary mind that was evolving in a disaffected and envious academic world. At any rate, this society did, and from the revolutionary point of view that was one of the peculiar felicities of the American opportunity. The revolutionary mind that did at length evolve was one of really superior intelligence, clothed with academic dignity, always sure of itself, supercilious and at ease in all circumstances. To entertain it became fashionable. You might encounter it anywhere, and nowhere more amusingly than at a banker’s dinner table, discussing the banker’s trade in a manner sometimes very embarrassing to the banker. Which of these brilliant young men in spectacles was of the cult and which was of the cabal — if there was a cabal — one never knew. Indeed, it was possible that they were not sure of it among themselves, a time having come when some were only playing with the thought of extremes while others were in deadly earnest, all making the same sounds. This was the beginning of mask and guise.

The scientific study of revolution included, of course, analysis of opportunity. First and always, the master of revolutionary technique is an opportunist. He must know opportunity when he sees it in the becoming; he must know how to stalk it, how to let it ripen, how to adapt his means to the realities. The basic ingredients of opportunity are few; nearly always it is how they are mixed that matters. But the one indispensable ingredient is economic distress, and, if there is enough of that, the mixture will take care of itself.

The Great Depression as it developed here was such an opportunity as might have been made to order. The economic distress was relative, which is to say that at the worst of it living in this country was better than living almost anywhere else in the world. The pain, nevertheless, was very acute; and much worse than any actual hurt was a nameless fear, a kind of active despair, that assumed the proportions of a national psychosis.

Seizures of that kind were not unknown in American history. Indeed, they were characteristic of the American temperament. But never before had there been one so hard and never before had there been the danger that a revolutionary elite would be waiting to take advantage of it.

This revolutionary elite was nothing you could define as a party. It had no name, no habitat, no rigid line. The only party was the Communist Party, and it was included, but its attack was too obvious and its proletarianism too crude; and moreover, it was under the stigma of not belonging. Nobody could say that about the elite above. It did belong, it was eminently respectable, and it knew the American scene. What it represented was a quantity of bitter intellectual radicalism infiltrated from the top downward as a doctorhood of professors, writers, critics, analysts, advisers, administrators, directors of research, and so on — a prepared revolutionary intelligence in spectacles.

There was no plan to begin with. But there was a shibboleth that united them all: “Capitalism is finished.”

There was one idea in which all differences could be resolved, namely, the idea of a transfer of power. For that, a united front; after that, anything. And the wine of communion was a passion to play upon history with a scientific revolutionary technique.

The prestige of the elite was natural for many reasons, but it rested also upon one practical consideration. When the opportunity came a Gracchus would be needed. The elite could produce one. And that was something the Communist Party could not hope to do.

Now given —

the opportunity,
a country whose fabulous wealth was in the modern forms — dynamic, functional, nonportable,
a people so politically naïve as to have passed a law against any attempt to overthrow their government by force — and,
the intention to bring about what Aristotle called a revolution in the state, within the frame of existing law —
Then from the point of view of scientific revolutionary technique, what would the problems be?

“To the New Deal these words — the American system of free private enterprise — stand for a conquered province. To the businessman the same words stand for a world that is in danger and may have to be defended.”

They set themselves down in sequence as follows:

The first, naturally, would be to capture the seat of government.

The second would be to seize economic power.

The third would be to mobilize by propaganda the forces of hatred.

The fourth would be to reconcile and then attach to the revolution the two great classes whose adherence is indispensable but whose interests are economically antagonistic, namely, the industrial wage earners and the farmers, called in Europe workers and peasants.

The fifth would be what to do with business — whether to liquidate or shackle it.
(These five would have a certain imperative order in time and require immediate decisions because they belong to the program of conquest. That would not be the end. What would then ensue? A program of consolidation. Under that head the problems continue.)

The sixth, in Burckhardt’s devastating phrase, would be “the domestication of individuality” — by any means that would make the individual more dependent upon government.

The seventh would be the systematic reduction of all forms of rival authority.

The eighth would be to sustain popular faith in an unlimited public debt, for if that faith should break the government would be unable to borrow; if it could not borrow it could not spend; and the revolution must be able to borrow and spend the wealth of the rich or else it will be bankrupt.

The ninth would be to make the government itself the great capitalist and enterpriser, so that the ultimate power in initiative would pass from the hands of private enterprise to the all-powerful state.

Each one of these problems would have two sides, one the obverse and one the reverse, like a coin. One side only would represent the revolutionary intention. The other side in each case would represent Recovery — and that was the side the New Deal constantly held up to view. Nearly everything it did was in the name of Recovery. But in no case was it true that for the ends of economic recovery alone one solution or one course and one only was feasible. In each case there was an alternative and therefore a choice to make.

What we shall see is that in every case the choice was one that could not fail:

– to ramify the authority and power of executive government — its power, that is, to rule by decrees and rules and regulations of its own making;
– to strengthen its hold upon the economic life of the nation;
– to extend its power over the individual;
– to degrade the parliamentary principle;
– to impair the great American tradition of an independent, Constitutional judicial power;
– to weaken all other powers — the power of private enterprise, the power of private finance, the power of state and local government;
– to exalt the leader principle.

There was endless controversy as to whether the acts of the New Deal did actually move recovery or retard it, and nothing final could ever come of that bitter debate because it is forever impossible to prove what might have happened in place of what did. But a positive result is obtained if you ask, Where was the New Deal going?

The answer to that question is too obvious to be debated. Every choice it made, whether it was one that moved recovery or not, was a choice unerringly true to the essential design of totalitarian government, never of course called by that name either here or anywhere else.

How it worked, how the decisions were made, and how acts that were inconsistent from one point of view were consistent indeed from the other — that now is the matter to be explored,seriatim

Read the rest, please.

Try to understand that the Marxists and the Fabians have a much longer planning and execution horizon than do most Americans.

Try also to understand that these collectivists have learned much from their failings in the past and in other places.

Do not be a ‘good Jew’ any longer.

The Bad People are depending on you to do so.

Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito.

25 responses to “Repost: The Revolution Was

  1. It seems to me that the coup d’etat in the US has been an ongoing affair. Crisis by crisis, the central government has seized almost total control from the states. And where that control is not overt – for all to see – the rest is covert through numerous political methods.

    I would say the Civil war was the end of the original republic – any doubt that the political class could read into the constitution anything they wanted to, was proven by that. I don’t recall seeing any clause in the constitution preventing secession, and of course, anything not enumerated as a power of the Federal government, is reserved for the states.

    The next step in the process was the formation of the Federal Reserve system. This took the control of money away from the people and granted its exclusive control to a foreign banking cartel and their American agents. This was the step that allowed the socialist welfare state that FDR put in place after the banking and market failures of 1929. That these failures were a result of Federal Reserve policies seemed to escape most people.

    The final act was the complete separation of currency from gold, giving the Federal Reserve a completely elastic currency and disencumbering the welfare state from current income and taxation. Unlimited borrowing from the future to finance present day consumption and, of course, war, was now possible. The reserve status of the US dollar further enabled borrowing by recycling dollars from creditor nations of the US to the Treasury, allowing them to finance debts even more easily than otherwise.

    Of course, this continues to this day, although foreign participation in America’s debt financing has taken a back seat to the Fed being the prime financier of federal government deficits. This Ponzi scheme is nearing end game, however, as the mathematics of debt growth will overwhelm government finances, even with a near, zero interest rate policy. Eventually, a currency collapse will force a significant escalation of interest rates, bankrupting both the Fed and the central government.

    At such time, I’m afraid, that might spell the final end of the republic.

    • Jim Klein

      Look at the bright side. How many people ever get to live through such interesting times, let alone have a direct hand in shaping them? I’m not sure how much more a man could ask. Well, maybe have it all settled and go back to seeking happy lives. I forget already—that was the goal, wasn’t it?

      Great comments. SP, I’m pretty sure the warmongers are all collectivists, even as plenty of collectivists aren’t warmongers. And thanks for the replay CA; it might be the most important essay of the 20th Century. Glad I’m 10-8 for now.

    • “Eventually, a currency collapse will force a significant escalation of interest rates, bankrupting both the Fed and the central government.”

      This is incorrect. You see, thanks to the decoupling from the gold standard, the Federal Reserve is now both the “printing press” and the lender of the currency in question. As such, it costs the Federal Reserve nothing to produce more currency. This is untrue of any other financial entity in the system, since those entities always end up having to pay back the money they lend.

      As a result, the Federal Reserve can continue to “lend” money indefinitely, even at negative interest rates, because production of money for the Federal Reserve is cost-free. And since the government is now selling bonds directly to the Federal Reserve (which means, basically, that the Federal Reserve is lending money directly to the government), there is no downside to either party regardless of what happens to the currency, as long as the currency is still in use — and it will be because the use of the currency is mandated by law.

      The people that control the Federal Reserve control, by proxy, the federal government. The government is their arm of power, the means by which they wield power over the citizenry and the rest of the world. They will continue to finance that government forever, because to not do so is for them to lose their ability to wield power over the world.

  2. smmtheory

    perhaps the violence of the revolution was one that was already fading in memory… that of the Civil War, the war that impressed upon people the “benevolence” of the all encompassing federal government.

  3. Mt Top Patriot

    A lot of really wise words to say 2 things.
    Where Waco Rules begin…

    There is gonna be a fight.

    Lets Win

  4. If you like Garet Garrett, and I do, read a book by Gary North called Conspiracy in Philadelphia. Its available free for download. Gray

  5. Im sure men have practiced these techniques for millennium. Ever wonder how St. Patrick, in one lifetime, converted the Druids of Ireland to Christianity without firing a shot? Exactly the same way. When the the Celts had their autumn harvest celebration, he said “Oh we worship the same God, we call it All Hallows Eve.” When they had their winter solstice celebration he said, “See I told you, we call this Christmas.” When they held their spring fertility festival he told them,
    “Dude we are on the same page, the goddess you are calling Eostre,
    to us its Easter.” He just convinced them it was all the same thing. In one generation they did not know any difference except now their Gods and festivals were called slightly different names and they were under the power of the Roman Catholic church.

  6. TheBigFatPanda

    Sounds to me like the only options left for us are to hope the Rapture happens pdq OR decide that we as individuals are simply not going to be taken alive if/when the roundups begin.
    Beyond that, starve the beast however you can; no Facebook, Twitter, no credit cards, live as cheaply and as off the grid as you can.

  7. The closet we had to Garet Garrett recently was the late Joe Sobran.

    Frank “the cripple” Roosevelt hated Garrett, because Garrett had the full measure of the fascist puke.

  8. Castor Pollux

    So what else is new? This same piece was reprinted in “The Resister” fifteen years ago. What has the Patriot movement done since then to organize its political and military forces into a coherent whole, with a strategy and a chain of command? The answer is: essentially nothing. What has the Patriot movement accomplished? The answer again is: essentially nothing.

    Unless those in the movement suddenly become competent, we are doomed to re-live the same cycle of revolutionary usurpation, whining, and then acceptance forever.

    • “….coherent whole….”

      Collectivism reigns supreme!

      Meanwhile I’m carrying my individual ass in this direction over here…..
      I avoid herds.

  9. The truth from 75 years ago is still true today. The puppets on today’s stage are true believers in these methods, which makes them very good little puppets. But today, just like back in ’38, it’s not the man in the white house that is the puppet master. The revolution will start in secret.

  10. As far as the metastasis of gubmint goes, I’d give at least as much negative credit to the warmongers as the collectivists. Lincoln’s “War to Preserve the Union”. Wilson’s “War to End War”, Roosevelt’s “Four Freedoms War” (read: war to preserve the Red Empire), and the current “War on Terror” (read: war to preserve the petrodollar and Israel) have each escalated the weight of Administration by a factor of 10. And it will, of course, take yet another war to get rid of the cancer.

  11. I concluded that the chapter, Problem 6: The Domestication of the Individual, explained why we are where we are today. Entitlements. Now in addition to native born citizens, soetoro-obama and his congressional foot-soldiers (Dems & Pubs both) want to add tens of millions of foreigners to the .gov trough.

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  13. Garrett was indeed a warrior in the war of ideas, and he was shunned by the media of the day, and marginalized to the greatest extent possible. Even then, government ‘disapproval’ was a powerful thing.

    Re Mark above, and with the thought that full understanding of the mess we are in is essential to getting out, I would argue that there are two other Progressive modifications that were required to make this coup d’etat; one is the establishment of an income tax, a plank in the Communist party platform, and the other is the establishment of state run state funded public schools in the Prussian style.
    Re CastorPollux: Until we have a sound understanding of the philosophical underpinnings of both Liberty and collectivism, we will not have the moral strength to stand against tyranny. Just as a hunter must know the vital areas of a deer, and know marksmanship techniques to deliver that one fatal shot, so we in the war of ideas must understand fully the nature of those we oppose, and their weaknesses and vulnerabilities. Only in that way can we reverse the tide of tyranny.

    • “and the other is the establishment of state run state funded public schools in the Prussian style.” —> also a Plank in the communist manifesto:
      10. Free education for all children in government schools.

      …and since I’m posting I might as well go ahead and post the 5th Plank as well:
      5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the state, by means of a national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly.—>The Federal Reserve.

  14. Battlefield USA

    “When an opponent declares, ‘I will not come over to your side,’ I calmly say, ‘Your child belongs to us already.… What are you? You will pass on. Your descendants, however, now stand in the new camp. In a short time they will know nothing else but this new community.’” – Adolf Hitler

    This is what each generation leaves its posterity… generation, after generation, after generation.

    The fact is, we have all been assimilated. We all live in chapters of our time. Each generation is its own chapter assimilated into the community. Here we are… imagine where we will be. For those of us old enough to remember another time… it doesn’t take to much imagination to understand where we are going.

    All my great-grandparents lived into their 90’s. And every one of them reflected on simpler times, despite their hardships. Young folks today know nothing of those simpler times, they know nothing but the new camp. And their children will be raised and bred in the next chapter of the new camp. And so on it will go.

    “Posterity: you will never know how much it has cost my generation to preserve your freedom. I hope you will make good use of it.” – John Q. Adams

    I’ve said it before, and I’ll say it again. I think America was G-ds way of showing us that mankind is not fit for liberty. That He allowed and interceded in the creation of this country as a testament to the fact that mankind is not fit for liberty.

    Sure, we may have our “prophets.” But I am reminded: And He said, “Woe to you also, lawyers! For you load men with burdens hard to bear, and you yourselves do not touch the burdens with one of your fingers. Woe to you! For you build the tombs of the prophets, and your fathers killed them. In fact, you bear witness that you approve the deeds of your fathers; for they indeed killed them, and you build their tombs.

    Like every generation before us, we lament our loss of liberty, and build its generational tombs as a testament.

    Yeah. I know. There is always tomorrows. And how many yesterdays were there? And here we are… waiting for tomorrow.

  15. TimeHasCome

    It all comes down to funny money from the Federal Reserve

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  17. Mt Top Patriot

    Every person concerned for their Liberty needs to read what Garet Garret wrote.
    Profound insights. Very enlightening.
    Quite a bit dovetails with our time, which only makes sense.
    Within it lies the weak links in tyranny, the keys to Liberty.

    I think, and I gave it a really good think, this story has not been written to it’s conclusion. And not to disparage the insightful expose of Garrets work, because after all, the truth is just that, the truth, there is an essential ingredient of this story left out that bears consideration. Whilst the omnipotence of the state is very powerful, and whilst it permeates every facet of the entire sphere of our lives, it does not have the power over the heart, the spirit, ones instincts, and the Liberty one knows is inherent in the self.
    This is everything, because, it all comes down to that.
    Is one a slave in their heart, just because one is a serf inside a system of tyranny?
    No. I don’t think so.
    The nitty gritty of it all comes down to that ground below your feet.
    Unless of course you give yourself to the dark side.

    Life is all about choices.
    In this tyranny that comes to our time, you either have to get busy being a subject to it, or get busy not and living your Liberty.
    That is the choice,
    where we are at, no one gets out of whats coming, everyone is a part of whats going down one way or another. None of us gets to opt out of the ends of this revolution, for good or bad.

    Now that essential ingredient left out, is something of a paradigm. It is an awakening, a movement, not of an organized group, but of a gestalt, a consciousness, that crosses a full spectrum of us as people, people who understand in our hearts Liberty exists, it works, it is real, that they are beginning to believe, it belongs to each man, that it is not something a law grants, or a given privilege by the powers that be such as a drivers license. Part and parcel of that awakening concerns the legitimacy of the powers that impose it’s will upon us.
    This awakening, understanding, that this legitimacy is a king with no cloths is a profound fundamental transformation of America.
    This changes everything.
    It is the stuff of revolutions of redress.

    The universe is a harsh place, the law of unintended consequences is irrefutable.

    I suspect the revolution was, in all it’s conspiring, in all it’s usurpation’s, for all it’s actors, for all it’s supposed brilliance, for all it’s breadth, for all it’s depth, simply does not have the legitimacy, the moral ground, the power, to withstand whats comes after the great awakening.

    As they say, the fat lady hasn’t sung yet.

    Inherent in who we are as a Republic, we are better than the revolution was.

    And if each of us in our own way believes in something better, she never will.

    Never Say Die.

    Never Give Up.

    Lets Win!

  18. At the ready, to water the Tree of Liberty.
    One day we’ll have schools named after our past, present & future Patriots.
    I’ll be on that list, not for the sake of having my name known- but because it is the right thing to do.
    Everyone wants to be a Patriot but Martyrs are a rare breed.

  19. Hopefully R., your schools of the future will be small, one-room affairs, with the teacher (non-unionized, no need) contracted by and answering to the parents directly, without taxation. Seeking to stamp ‘patriot names’ on the same tired edifices of propaganda and indoctrination is not a solution.